Articles by "Business"

The U.S. government's review of a landmark 2010 financial reform law will not be complete by early June as originally targeted
U.S. President Donald Trump signs an executive order rolling back regulations from the 2010 Dodd-Frank law on Wall Street reform at the White House in Washington, U.S.
The U.S. government's review of a landmark 2010 financial reform law will not be complete by early June as originally targeted, and officials will now report findings piece-by-piece, with priority given to banking regulations, sources familiar with the matter said on Monday.


President Donald Trump has pledged to do a "big number" on the Dodd-Frank financial overhaul law, which raised banks' capital requirements, restricted their ability to make speculative bets with customers' money and created consumer protections in the wake of the financial crisis.

In February, Trump ordered Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin to review the law and report back within 120 days, saying his administration expected to be cutting large parts of it.

But the Treasury Department is still filling vacancies after the transition from the Obama administration and there are not enough officials to get the full review done by early June, three sources said.

A Treasury spokesperson dismissed the idea the report that would be broken up because the department is short-handed, saying the reach of the project could require several separate reports, as permitted under the executive order.

"Treasury has an entire team dedicated to reviewing the financial regulatory rules and will begin reporting our findings to the president in June," the department spokesperson said.

"Given the volume and scope of the issues we are reviewing that involve potential changes to the financial regulatory system, we are carefully considering the best options to begin rolling them out in the most effective and responsible manner," the spokesperson said.

The Treasury Department will first report back on what banking rules could be changed, including capital requirements, restrictions on leverage and speculative trading.

Examinations of capital markets, clearing houses and derivatives as well as the insurance and asset management industries and financial innovation and banking technology will come later, the sources said.

It could be several months until these other stages of the financial reform review are completed, some of the sources said.

The piecemeal approach could create challenges for some sectors if parts of the report are significantly delayed. The report has been highly anticipated, as it marks the new administration's most detailed foray into outlining what it wants to do with financial rules.

Trump previously has spoken only in broad terms about easing regulation surrounding lending.
 

Any efforts to rework existing regulations or craft new legislation will be a lengthy and contentious process, something that banking lobbyists have said will make any delay to the administration's initial findings costly for businesses eager for regulatory relief.

Former BlackRock Inc executive Craig Phillips is leading the administration's plan for financial deregulation. Alongside other Treasury officials, he is soliciting feedback from banking industry groups and executives for how banking policy should be shaped.

The change in the timing of the Treasury report comes after Trump ordered a separate review of some key planks of the Dodd-Frank financial reform law.

In April, Trump signed a pair of executive orders directing a review of two additional regulatory powers - orderly liquidation authority, which allows regulators to step in and wind down a failing financial institution, and systemic designation, in which certain large firms may be deemed critical to the overall health of the financial system, meriting stricter oversight.

The findings from those reviews are not expected until October.


U.S. employment growth seen rebounding, wages increasing
A job seeker fills out an application at the King Soopers grocery store table at a job fair at the Denver Workforce Center in Denver, Colorado, U.S.

U.S. job growth likely rebounded in April and wages increased, pointing to a further tightening in labor market conditions that could pave the way for the Federal Reserve to raise interest rates next month.

Nonfarm payrolls probably increased by 185,000 jobs last month, according to a Reuters poll of economists, after a paltry gain of 98,000 in March.

The March gain, the smallest in 10 months, was dismissed as payback after unseasonably mild temperatures in January and February pulled forward hiring in weather-sensitive sectors like construction and leisure and hospitality.

The Labor Department will release its closely watched employment report at 8:30 a.m. EDT (1230 GMT) on Friday.

Job gains in line with expectations would support the Fed's contention that the pedestrian 0.7 percent annualized economic growth pace in the first quarter was likely "transitory," and its optimism that economic activity would expand at a "moderate" pace.

"The labor market continues to tighten, we have on average seen inflation rise over this past year," said Ray Stone, an economist at Stone & McCarthy Research Associates in Princeton, New Jersey. "From the Fed's perspective, there is probably going to be a policy tightening in June and probably again sometime over the balance of the year." The Fed on Wednesday kept its benchmark overnight interest rate unchanged and said it expected labor market conditions would "strengthen somewhat further."

The U.S. central bank raised its overnight interest rate by a quarter of a percentage point in March and has forecast two more increases this year.

Average hourly earnings likely rose 0.3 percent last month, partly because of a calendar quirk. While that would keep the year-on-year increase at 2.7 percent, there are signs that wage growth is accelerating as labor market slack diminishes.

A government report last week showed private sector wages recorded their biggest gain in 10 years in the first quarter.

NEAR FULL EMPLOYMENT

The economy needs to create 75,000 to 100,000 jobs per month to keep up with growth in the working-age population. Job growth averaged 178,000 per month in the first quarter.

The unemployment rate probably ticked up to 4.6 percent last month from a near 10-year low of 4.5 percent in March. With the labor market expected to hit a level consistent with full employment this year, payroll gains could slow as firms struggle to find qualified workers.


"We have seen a steady increase in anecdotal evidence of a mismatch in the labor force," said David Donabedian, chief investment officer at CIBC Atlantic Trust Private Wealth Management in Baltimore. "There are a number of industries that are having trouble hiring enough qualified personnel and those things will eventually lead to upward wage pressures."

Construction and manufacturing hiring likely led the anticipated acceleration in job growth last month. Retail employment probably declined for a third straight month.

Retailers including J.C. Penney Co Inc (JCP.N), Macy's Inc (M.N) and Abercrombie & Fitch (ANF.N) have announced thousands of layoffs as they shift toward online sales and scale back on brick-and-mortar operations.

More people likely entered the labor force in April, which could led to a marginal rise in the participation rate, or the share of working-age Americans who are employed or at least looking for a job. The labor force participation rate is at an 11-month high of 63 percent.

"At this point there just aren't a lot of excess discouraged workers left and dropout rates of unemployed workers are already low, so there's not a lot of apparent room left to extend the participation rate rebound," said Ted Wieseman, an economist at Morgan Stanley in New York.

Source : Reuters

Sainsbury's profits fall amid 'challenging market'
Total sales for the group rose 12.7 per cent mainly as a result of the Argos contribution. Getty

Sainsbury's chief executive said the impact of cost pressures remain 'uncertain' but added the group was 'well placed to navigate the external environment'


Sainsbury's has warned over a "challenging" market and price pressures as it posted a 8.2 per cent decline in annual profits.

The retailer posted pre-tax profits of £503m for the year to 11 March, down from £548m the previous year.

Like-for-like sales for the full year were down 0.6 per cent.


Retailers are expected to have a difficult year amid cost rises due to the post-Brexit slump in the value of the pound.

Sainsbury's, the UK's second biggest supermarket, on Wednesday said the impact of cost pressures remains "uncertain" but added it was "well placed to navigate the external environment".

Mike Coupe, group chief executive of Sainsbury's, said: "This has been a pivotal year and we have made significant progress delivering and accelerating our strategy. Sainsbury’s Group offers customers market-leading product choice, value and convenience, whenever and wherever they shop with us.

"Food is the core of our business and we are committed to helping customers live well for less. Our food business remains resilient in a challenging market and we continue to innovate in quality and to invest in price."

Mr Coupe added the group was "pleased" with its progress so far since buying Argos last year, having already opened 59 Argos Digital stores in its supermarkets, which he said were performing well.


Total sales for the group rose 12.7 per cent mainly as a result of the Argos contribution.

Sainsbury's is also accelerating plans to open 250 Argos Digital stores.

Shares in Sainsbury's fell by more than 2 per cent in morning trading on the FTSE 100.

John Ibbotson, director of the retail consultancy Retail Vision, said that for the "embattled" Sainsbury's, the Argos acquisition is "looking more inspired by the day" but his should not distract from the weaknesses in the core Sainsbury’s grocery business.

“The convenience and online offerings are a bright spot in an otherwise challenging picture. Food price inflation has slashed margins and Sainsbury’s continues to lose market share to both Tesco and Morrisons.


“The brand’s much-vaunted turnaround plan has been slower to show results than those of its rivals, who have successfully staunched their losses with aggressive price cuts and structural reforms.

“Argos has so far proved an effective ‘get out of jail' card for Sainsbury’s. But with inflation biting into consumer spending and the latest retail sales figures showing that the consumption boom is waning, Sainsbury’s must get its core business in order before it comes off its catalogue crutches."

Neil Wilson, senior market analyst, at ETX Capital said the recently-acquired Argos is delivering the top line growth "that keeps the group above water."

"Sainsbury’s sales are declining and it is losing market share. That’s a reflection of the performance of key rivals - Sainsbury’s did very well when Tesco was on its knees but is now facing its own challenges. In particular, as Tesco grows sales again it’s coming at the expense of Sainsbury’s," Mr Wilson said.

Ajit Pai, the F.C.C. chairman, in Barcelona in February. Broadcasters hope that he will let through the kinds of deals that were held up during the Obama administration.
Ajit Pai, the F.C.C. chairman, in Barcelona in February. Broadcasters hope that he will let through the kinds of deals that were held up during the Obama administration.

A vote by the Federal Communications Commission last week sets the stage for the consolidation of local television stations in a deal-making frenzy.

The media industry has been rife with consolidation in recent years: Cable companies, film studios and telecommunications firms have all been bought and sold at a rapid clip.

Now, local television stations are at the center of the deal-making frenzy.

Last week, a day after the Federal Communications Commission eased regulations over how many stations an owner may have, Sinclair Broadcasting, the largest local broadcast group in the country, said it would buy 14 New York-based stations for $240 million.

The timing of Sinclair’s deal may not have hinged directly on the change, but it demonstrated a demand for broadcast station mergers. Sinclair did not reply to requests for comment.

And now, a bidding war has begun over Tribune Media, the owner of WGN America and, in New York, PIX 11.

The Blackstone Group appears to be working with 21st Century Fox on a bid for Tribune. And Sinclair is also circling that company.

“The F.C.C. has basically said: ‘Game on. We’re going to let you consolidate further than anyone had imagined,’” said Richard Greenfield, a media analyst at BTIG.

Consolidation of local broadcast stations could lead to more expensive fees for consumers as providers pass on ever-higher fees from broadcasters and content creators to subscribers. But to media companies, the mantra of late has been that bigger is better.

For broadcast station companies in particular — including Sinclair, Fox and the Nexstar Media Group — owning more stations increases their power over cable companies, which pay to retransmit the stations.

Fox’s motive for pursuing Tribune, which has more Fox affiliates than any other station owner, largely appears to be blocking a deal with Sinclair. It plans to form a joint venture with the Blackstone Group, an investment giant, in which Blackstone would provide the cash for a deal while Fox would provide its own television stations, according to people briefed on the plans who were not authorized to speak publicly about the matter.

If successful, Fox would then reduce its direct exposure to local television stations, Mr. Greenfield said, while still holding on to a piece — and while stymieing a rival.

Details of the potential joint venture were unclear, as were the precise reasons that Fox was turning to Blackstone. Tribune is a relatively small company, with a market value of about $3.4 billion.

But for companies like Fox and Sinclair, consolidation is also a defensive move, shoring them up at a time when online rivals like Netflix and Hulu are commanding more viewers. Content providers like CBS and the Walt Disney Company are also pushing for bigger fees from broadcasters.

And local television advertising sales, excluding political ads and the Olympics, were roughly flat last year, according to the research from Magna Global, with expectations that 2017 will be even tougher.

Getting bigger through station acquisitions, then, is meant to help these companies drive harder bargains. And smaller operators have emerged as potential takeover targets: The stock prices of two other broadcast companies, E. W. Scripps and Gray Television, are both up sharply this year.

Underpinning broadcasters’ dreams of expansion is the hope that Ajit Pai, the F.C.C.’s new chairman and a Republican, will let through the kinds of deal making that had been held up during the Obama administration.

“Companies are talking about deals now because they have reason to believe the F.C.C. will relax all the ownership rules,” said Paul Gallant, an analyst at Cowen and Company.

The first tangible step came with a 2-to-1 vote by the F.C.C. last week to reintroduce the so-called UHF discount.

Longstanding rules prohibit companies from covering more than 39 percent of American households, but the UHF discount allows station owners to exclude certain stations that operate in ultrahigh frequencies. With the reinstated discount, according to calculations by Fitch Ratings, Sinclair’s household coverage percentage has fallen to about 25 percent, from 38 percent, while Nexstar’s has dropped to 27 percent, from 39 percent, opening the door to new mergers and acquisitions.

“This represents a rational first step in media ownership reform policy allowing free and local broadcasters to remain competitive with multinational pay TV giants and broadband providers,” Gordon Smith, the president of the National Association of Broadcasters, said in a statement.

The F.C.C.’s rule change followed pressure from industry groups. One week before the vote, Mitch Rose, NBC Universal’s senior vice president for government relations, visited the office of the other Republican commissioner on the F.C.C., Michael O’Reilly, urging him to reinstate the UHF discount.

And in February, Tribune Media’s general counsel, Edward Lazarus, met with Mr. Pai’s chief of staff, Matthew Berry, and lobbied for the change in rules.

Mr. Pai has long been critical of strict broadcast ownership rules. He has said that online media companies such as Google, Facebook and Netflix are competing for audiences that were once served only by television. He has also been skeptical of rules against broadcast ownership limits, given that the agency has approved mergers in competing industries, including Charter’s purchase of Time Warner Cable and AT&T’s purchase of DirecTV.

At the annual National Association of Broadcasters convention in Las Vegas last week, Mr. Pai announced his intention to re-examine other media ownership rules. Broadcasters hope that one limit that may be removed is a prohibition on owning more than two stations in a local market.

Consumer groups and Democrats in Congress and at the F.C.C. warn that the changes will lead to great industry consolidation, giving a few companies great influence over news and public opinion.

The action “will actually harm the public interest, by reducing diversity, competition and localism,” Mignon Clyburn, the sole Democrat at the F.C.C., said after the UHF discount vote.

In a letter to Mr. Pai last month, Democratic House members argued against both the UHF discount and a union of Sinclair and Tribune. Such a merger, they contended, could lead to higher cable fees because Sinclair charges cable companies more than Tribune does to retransmit its broadcasts.

“These were mergers that could never have been contemplated a year ago,” Mr. Greenfield, of BTIG, said of the deals that might blossom under the new F.C.C. “You’re enabling the impossible in many ways, so people are saying, ‘Let’s take a shot at this.’”

U.S. to South Korea: We'll pay for missile defense system
The South Korean firm facing China's wrath

After President Trump set off a furor over who should pay for a U.S. missile defense system that's being installed in South Korea, his national security chief said Washington will pick up the check. For the time being, at least.

White House national security adviser Lt. Gen. H.R. McMaster told his South Korean counterpart that the U.S. would continue to bear the cost of the system, according to a statement Sunday from the office of the South Korean president.

McMaster was responding to the controversy Trump stirred up last week with South Korea, a key U.S. ally in Asia.

"I informed South Korea it would be appropriate if they pay" for the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) system, Trump said in an interview with Reuters on Thursday. "That's a billion-dollar system." 


The deployment of THAAD has already proved unpopular with many South Koreans and hurt the country's relations with China. The South Korean Defense Ministry has repeatedly said the country will provide the land but won't foot the bill for the system, which is designed to protect against the threat of missiles from North Korea.  

U.S. to South Korea: We'll pay for missile defense system

McMaster's reassurances to to Kim Kwan-jin, the South Korean director of national security, that the U.S. would stick to the existing deal appeared to contradict Trump's remarks. But in an interview Sunday with Fox News, McMaster denied that suggestion.

"That's not what it was," he said. "What I told our South Korean counterpart is until any renegotiation, that the deal is in place. We will adhere to our word."

McMaster said the Trump administration plans to renegotiate the U.S.'s defense relationships with South Korea and "all of our allies ... we need everybody to pay their fair share."

But the South Korean Defense Ministry isn't interested in going back to the table on the THAAD issue.

"I don't believe this is a matter that can be renegotiated," spokesman Moon Sang-gyun said Monday.

South Korea already helps pay for the cost of the roughly 28,500 U.S. troops currently stationed in South Korea, contributing nearly 1 trillion won ($880 million) every year.

The existing agreement over those terms expires at the end of 2018, and negotiations over its renewal are expected to start around the end of this year.

Major Hurdle for a Tax Code Overhaul: Trump’s Own Field
Donald J. Trump atop Trump Tower ahead of the building’s “topping-off” ceremony on July 2, 1982. Mr. Trump brings his career perspective in real estate to the tax overhaul question, as well as a substantial financial interest in the outcome.
President Trump has promised a sweeping tax plan, arriving in the days ahead, that will be “bigger, I believe, than any tax cut ever.” It will aim to bring down individual and corporate rates, simplify the overall tax code and unleash economic growth.

Many tax experts say a key element to any fundamental overhaul is getting rid of certain deductions for businesses — the “special-interest giveaways that are masked as tax breaks,” as House Republicans describe many of them in their own proposal. That is the only way tax rates for much of the country can go down without starving the Treasury, the experts say.

But there is a major roadblock to that fundamental change, and it comes from a sector well known to the president: the real estate industry.

As the nation’s first real estate developer-president — one who has refused to divest his holdings while occupying the Oval Office and has declined to release his past tax returns — Mr. Trump brings his career perspective to the tax question, as well as a substantial financial stake in the outcome.

His interest will be shared by small builders, brokers and contractors in congressional districts across the country. And as they showed in rolling back previous changes that had taken away advantages, their lobbying prowess is formidable.

“There’s probably no special interest that’s more favored by the existing tax code than real estate,” said Steven M. Rosenthal, a real estate tax lawyer and senior fellow at the centrist Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center. “It’s really hard to take that industry on.”


[accordion] [item title="TRUMP AND TAXES"]James B. Stewart’s “Common Sense” columns have examined President Trump’s tax returns and his tax plans for America.[/item] [item title="Scraps from Mr. Trump’s tax filings."]“Flimsy and incomplete as they are, those leaked returns nonetheless contain some startling revelations.”[/item] [item title="Capitol Hill united on Mr. Trump’s taxes."]“‘Trump’s scheming on his taxes has put a spotlight on a tale of two systems,’ Senator Ron Wyden said.”[/item] [item title="Closing Mr. Trump’s loopholes."]“The self-proclaimed billionaire says he alone can fix the ‘unfair’ tax code. So it seems only fair to ask: How?”[/item] [item title="Mr. Trump’s giant tax shelter."]“He racked up losses so huge in the 1990s that he wouldn’t have had to pay income tax on nearly $1 billion.”[/item] [item title="Even more real estate tax breaks?"]“It’s hard to imagine a tax code more favorable to real estate developers than the one we already have. Mr. Trump has come up with one.”[/item] [/accordion]

Much of the attention will focus on the tax deduction for interest payments by businesses, a provision that Mr. Trump has used to great advantage in what little has been seen of his past tax returns. The House Republican plan calls for eliminating the deduction as part of an overall plan, helping offset lower tax rates. The nonpartisan, conservative-leaning Tax Foundation says the provision could be a $1.5 trillion proposition over the next decade.

The National Multifamily Housing Council, a trade association of apartment owners, managers, developers and lenders, has come to the defense of the interest deduction and other provisions favorable to the real estate industry, describing them as “core principles” and promising a fight. So has the influential Real Estate Roundtable, whose board includes several of Mr. Trump’s fellow New York developers.

The interest deduction issue “is about to heat up dramatically,” predicted Douglas Holtz-Eakin, an economist who served as director of the Congressional Budget Office and is now president of the American Action Forum, a conservative pro-growth advocacy group.

The real estate lobby has prominent allies in both parties. After the last major overhaul of the tax code, in 1986 — under a Republican president, Ronald Reagan, and a Democratic Congress — it was a Democrat, Bill Clinton, who signed legislation that restored lost real estate tax breaks seven years later.

While the Trump administration has yet to put forward a plan, Mr. Trump has embraced several key proposals, including some at odds with the House Republican blueprint. His ideas, in many cases, would enhance benefits to developers like himself.

“Trump said he knows where the loopholes are, but so far he hasn’t proposed closing any of them,” Mr. Rosenthal said. “Maybe he will. But so far he hasn’t made any of the hard decisions that would show he’s willing to close the loopholes that benefit him in order to make the tax code more fair and efficient.”

Major Hurdle for a Tax Code Overhaul: Trump’s Own Field
Workers removing signs from the Trump Plaza casino in Atlantic City in 2014. Those with an interest in preserving the interest deduction include big developers, small builders, brokers and contractors.
Start, for example, with the ability of businesses to deduct interest payments. More than in just about any industry, real estate investors use leverage — borrowed money — to enhance returns. They lower their taxes by deducting interest payments. The New York Times has reported that Mr. Trump’s businesses have at least $650 million in debt.

Although the corporate tax code has allowed interest payments to be deducted since it was enacted in 1913, a growing number of economists and tax experts have called for abolishing the deduction, as does the House Republican tax plan, “A Better Way,” on grounds that it distorts capital markets by favoring debt over stock. (Dividend payments are not deductible.)

Mr. Trump’s campaign staff indicated last summer that he wanted to keep the interest deduction. But then Mr. Trump came out in favor of another key element of the House Republican plan: immediate deductibility, or expensing, of capital expenditures, rather than the practice of depreciating assets over time.

Tax experts broadly agree that the interest deduction is untenable if the code also allows immediate expensing. That’s because many investors would borrow large sums to make capital expenditures (like buildings), immediately deduct all of the cost and continue to deduct the interest payments — “double dipping,” as Mr. Rosenthal put it.

The Tax Foundation estimated that immediate expensing would cost the Treasury $2.2 trillion over the first decade. Over time, the amount declines as taxpayers stop taking depreciation deductions. Eliminating the interest deduction would offset some, but not all, of that 10-year loss, while retaining the deduction would create a huge revenue hole.

President Bill Clinton, accompanied by Vice President Al Gore, signing 1993 legislation that restored real estate tax breaks lost in the tax overhaul of 1986.
Mr. Rosenthal put it bluntly: “Coupling an interest deduction with expensing is ridiculous.”

In response to the criticism, Mr. Trump pivoted and said he would give taxpayers the “option” of either taking the interest deduction or expensing capital expenditures, not both. But that adds yet another layer of complexity and would be even more costly for the Treasury, since taxpayers would presumably choose the option that resulted in the lower tax bill.

Moreover, it is hard to see a path toward reducing overall corporate tax rates — the crucial element in making any overhaul palatable to a wide swath of businesses — without the added revenues from eliminating the interest deduction.

(Individuals generally cannot deduct interest payments — with the major exception of mortgage interest, another boon to the real estate industry, albeit one that also benefits millions of homeowners. Mr. Trump has said eliminating the mortgage deduction is off the table.)


Then there is the ability of “active” real estate investors such as Mr. Trump (but virtually no other group) to deduct their real estate losses against other income. That loophole was eliminated for most investors — including real estate investors — in the landmark tax legislation in 1986. But because of aggressive lobbying by the powerful real estate industry, including Mr. Trump himself, Congress passed legislation in 1993 restoring the tax break for so-called active real estate developers.

Portions of Mr. Trump’s 1995 tax returns leaked to The Times show that he took full advantage of the provision. That year he recorded a loss of nearly $16 million from “rental real estate, royalties, partnerships, S corporations, trusts, etc.,” which are the forms in which Mr. Trump holds most of his assets. That was more than enough to entirely offset his $3.4 million in business income, $7.4 million in interest and $6,000 in wages and salaries.

Mr. Trump hasn’t addressed this loophole since becoming president. But closing it would be hard to reconcile with his earlier comments. In 1991, he testified in Congress that the 1986 Tax Reform Act “was an absolute catastrophe for the country, for the real estate industry,” and pleaded to restore the passive loss tax break. In a 1999 op-ed piece in The Wall Street Journal, Mr. Trump called the 1986 act “one of the worst ideas in recent history,” and said eliminating the ability to deduct passive losses was one of the “follies” that had “sent the real estate market though the windshield.”


Trump Tower in New York City. Many of Mr. Trump’s ideas on ways to change taxes would enhance benefits to developers like himself.

Alan Cole, an economist at the Tax Foundation, said it was difficult to estimate how much that provision costs the Treasury, because the underlying data is not available.

(Whether Mr. Trump would still qualify as an active real estate investor now that he is in the White House and has handed over management of his business interests to his sons is an open question. Ordinarily an investor has to spend 750 hours a year working in real estate to qualify, which would be hard to reconcile with Mr. Trump’s presidential duties.)

Another loophole for real estate developers is the so-called like-kind exchange provision, which allows real estate investors to defer or even eliminate capital gains tax by using the proceeds from a sale to reinvest in a similar property (which does not have to be all that similar — just about any real estate can be exchanged, even an apartment complex for vacant land).

Since Mr. Trump has not released his tax returns, the public doesn’t know whether and to what extent he benefits from the provision, but nearly all real estate developers use like-kind exchanges to avoid capital gains tax. The Real Estate Roundtable strongly backs the provision. Mr. Trump hasn’t said whether he would retain it. But it is another special-interest loophole that nearly all tax experts would eliminate.

The Tax Foundation estimates that taxing like-kind exchanges would generate $92 billion in additional revenue over 10 years.

Advocates of a tax overhaul often point to the 1986 act as a model for a comprehensive approach that ushered in a long period of economic growth. Given the power of the real estate lobby, “presidential leadership was crucial,” said Leonard E. Burman, director of the Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center and a professor at the Maxwell School of Syracuse University.

Reagan made tax reform a central campaign theme and mustered bipartisan support in Congress. “Reagan didn’t get into the details,” Mr. Burman said. “But he made the calls, he gave the speeches, and he got people excited about the idea of fixing our broken tax system.”

“It’s hard to imagine President Trump doing that,” he said. “Because at the end of the day, the existing tax code is great for people like him.”

Marijuana businesses worry about Trump, but expect to prevail

Marijuana farm investor Serge Chistov is shrugging off anti-weed rhetoric from Attorney General Jeff Sessions as just a bunch of reefer madness.

"If Sessions picks this fight, he's going to lose," said Chistov, an investor in the Honest Marijuana Company in Colorado, the first of eight states that have legalized pot for non-medical use. "He's going to be fighting against the money."
Recreational pot is already for sale in Oregon, Washington and Colorado, where Chistov praises its benefits to the economy.
"I'm not changing my business plan one iota," he said. "This is the winning strategy." He said legal pot's popularity will help him prevail against any possible federal intervention, which would cost too much tax money to implement effectively.
Under the Obama administration, eight states and Washington, D.C. voted to legalize recreational marijuana. Colorado, Washington and Oregon were the first states to do so, and they've already developed a regulated, taxable industry for recreational marijuana, with dispensaries and growers. The other five states voted to legalize recreational marijuana on the day Trump was elected, but haven't had time to develop a regulatory structure.
Sessions hasn't said anything specific about what he's going to do about marijuana, or if he's going to do anything at all. But it's still illegal under federal law, and Sessions has made it clear that he's against legalization.
Serge Chistov, investor in the Honest Marijuana Company in Colorado, (left) with grower Stephen Boone, isn't afraid of Attorney General Jeff Sessions.
"I reject the idea that American will be a better place if marijuana is sold in every corner store," he said, in a speech in Richmond, Va., last month. "And I am astonished to hear people suggest that we can solve our heroin crisis by legalizing marijuana -- so people can trade one life-wrecking dependency for another that's only slightly less awful."


The Attorney General recently appointed a task force to review "existing policies" for marijuana and to "ensure consistency" with the anti-drug policy of the Trump administration.

Separately, White House press secretary Sean Spicer has said to expect "greater enforcement" of federal marijuana laws.

Steve Rusnack, owner of the Full Bloom Cannabis dispensary in Fork Kent, Maine, sells medical marijuana and would like to expend into recreational now that it's been legalized by the state. But he's concerned about the possibility of a federal crackdown.

"If I start seeing DEA agents locking down recreational businesses out West, I'm going to stick with medical," said Rusnack. "I've got a family. I don't want to get locked up."

Maine is one of five states, along with California, Nevada, Alaska and Massachusetts, that voted to legalize recreational marijuana last year. State lawmakers still have to work out regulations, and local jurisdictions also have to set tax rates and make zoning decisions as to where the dispensaries will be located.

Marijuana investors, farmers and retailers typically start out with medical and then branch into recreational as their states legalize that, too. Many of them are pushing ahead, undeterred by Trump. Zach Lazarus, COO of the Green Alternative Medical Marijuana Dispensary in San Diego, and Priscilla Vilchis, CEO of Premium Produce, a medical marijuana company in Nevada, both said they're going to start selling recreational cannabis in accordance with state laws.

Business is booming, and it's expected to grow. New Frontier Data, which analyzes the cannabis industry, projects that it could top $21 billion in annual sales by 2020 and employ 300,000 workers nationwide.

"Can we put the genie back in the bottle? Most people would say no," said Giadha Aguirre De Carcer, the firm's founder and CEO.

Justin Olsen of New World Organics, a medical marijuana dispensary in Maine, is watiing to see what the Trump administration does before expanding into recreational.

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